Wednesday, July 4, 2012

Hearts and minds

It's hard to get a handle on the dollar amount of US aid to Pakistan. US AID's website puts it at $5.1 billion since 2002. The Kerry-Lugar-Berman bill increased funding levels to $1.3 billion per year when it passed in 2009. A recent trend has been for the US to fund reliable partner organizations in Pakistan, rather than filtering huge grants through Washington DC's "beltway bandits."

One success story is AURAT, a civil society organization that is focused on the empowerment of women. Larisa Epatko of the PBS News Hour posted this summary of AURAT's mission and accomplishments.Read it here.Our group of journalists met with leaders of the organization in Islamabad, as well as several women who were brought in from remote areas to tell their personal stories of how US aid has helped them. A few of them are pictured, above.

 The big picture, according to AURAT, is that public education has increased awareness of domestic violence and made it more acceptable for women to receive education and vote. Grants for recovery from the floods that have devastated Pakistan in recent years have been channeled through the female in the household, as well as micro-business grants that help women become self-supporting so that they can send both their daughters and their sons to school. For me, he most memorable story came from Saima Anwar, a young woman who is the first practicing female attorney in the troubled Swat region, with legal training made possible by US aid.  She helps women assert their land rights and file complaints about domestic violence. I asked her why such a progressive woman would continue to cover her face in traditional Muslim fashion. I saw the fire in her eyes as she replied," I wanted to show you can do anything, even if you cover your face."

Our Pakistani journalist colleagues had mixed feelings about the impact of US aid. Islamabad broadcaster Aneela Khalid Khan said the challenge for the US is to "win the hearts and minds of the people." Geo TV's Mehboob Ali, who covers the Swat region, said flood victims in Pakistan are grateful for the US aid they have received. "It does work," he said, "it does change the opinion of the people." Karachi-based Dawn TV producer Hafsah Syed complained, "Pakistan is a country of beggars." Like many Pakistanis, she called for an end to the "transactional relationship" in which the US rewards Pakistan for good behavior and takes away aid for behavior the US doesn't like. As I write this it's happening again: the doctor who aided the CIA in confirming the whereabouts of Osama bin Laden was sentenced to 33 years in prison; in response, the US congress has cut aid to Pakistan by $33 million. Another tricky issue is the requirement that any US aid project must be identified with the logo identifying the contribution of "the American people." There have been instances of Taliban fighters targeting brand new clinics or schools because of the logo. On the other hand, how can the US win hearts and minds with beneficial projects if no one knows the US taxpayer is footing the bill? Finally, there's the confusion between military and humanitarian aid. If the US helps build a road through a strategic area, does that benefit the military or the villagers who can now get their products to bigger markets? Probably both, but the Taliban targets the road anyway.

The United States has been a huge contributor to the Benazir Income Support Program, or BISP. US taxpayers have paid in more than $2 billion since 2009. The money is parceled out to Pakistan's poorest families, who would be scraping by on about a dollar a day without BISP benefits. Our group took a tour of the program headquarters in Islamabad, with vast rooms of clerks and computers to take registrations and handle complaints.
We were welcomed by BISP chairwoman Farzan Raja, a former press secretary to the assassinated prime minister Benazir Bhutto. Raja uncannily mirrors her mentor in appearance and speaking style and serves in Pakistan's national assembly. She is a politician who also plays a direct role in distributing public aid.

She told us that BISP benefits have reached 6 million families, with the goal of registering them as voters and sending their kids to school. Critics told us that the program is heavily tilted toward people who support the PPP, the current ruling party associated with the Bhutto family. We moved on to Karachi, with no way to know for sure which side is closer to the truth.

Saturday, May 19, 2012

Hope and Change?


Put together the "Hope and Change" promise of President Obama with the action hero quality of former California Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger and you would get someone like Imran Khan, the cricket  star who is trying to make a difference in Pakistan's politics. Unfortunately, most Pakistanis told us he's perceived more like Texas Congressman Ron Paul; voters may be intrigued by his ideas but they feel his Tehreek-e-Insaf (Pakistan Movement for Justice) party has no chance to form a winning coalition. Winning is important to the man who led Pakistan to its only World Cup win in 1992. But in trying to break the hold of widespread corruption, family dynasties, military dominance and tribal customs in Pakistani politics, he may be taking on an opponent that will be tougher to beat.

Pakistan's political parties tend to decorate the landscape with oversized pictures of their leaders and there was no shortage of Khan posters, like this one in Saidpur Village. But when our group of visiting American journalists interviewed Khan at his home in Islamabad, we met a politician who gives the physical impression of being larger than life.
 
The spacious villa with its commanding valley view would not have been out of place in an upscale Florida country club, and it was tastefully decorated in the British colonial style. Even the dog, Sherni, gave the impression of steadfastness, except for the occasional howl.

Khan, the 59-year-old divorced father of two, welcomed us to a veranda and explained his bold promise to end corruption in Pakistan within 90 days of taking office. Larisa Epatko of the PBS News Hour posted some audio from our interview. Listen here.

 Khan speaks with understandable pride of his charitable endeavors, reflecting the belief of many Pakistanis that private citizens can accomplish things that the government cannot. And when speaking with college students in Karachi, we could tell that his ideas have planted a seed with his supporters in the younger generation. It's too early to tell if he score with voters when the next elections take place later this year or next year, but I wouldn't bet against him. It will be fascinating to watch.


Wednesday, May 16, 2012

What Did Pakistan know about Osama bin Laden?

Since 9/11 most Americans have come to accept additional security checks and other restrictions on their privacy as part of the war on terrorism. But submitting to a TSA body scan at the airport is a small thing compared to the way the war on terror affects everyday life in Pakistan. According the the Sustainable Policy Development Institute, Pakistan spends 65% of its budget on the military, leaving only 35% percent for energy, education and other needs of a developing country.
Armed guards are not just for government buildings here, but a necessity for offices and factories and even some homes. It's an environment that scares away badly needed foreign investment. Even Pakistan's national sports pastime, cricket, has suffered because of a terrorist attack on a visiting Sri Lankan team in 2009; international matches can no longer be played in Pakistan. One analyst explained that "terrorism damages the brand name" of the entire country.

Pakistan's brand was further damaged by the revelation that Osama Bin Laden was hiding in plain sight in Abottabad, a city near the capital that is also home to a major military academy. When Navy Seals raided the compound in May 2011, killing the man believed chiefly responsible for the 9/11 attacks, many Americans saw it as proof that Pakistan can't be trusted to track down even the most notorious terrorists. Our group of visiting American journalists had a number of opportunities to question what the Pakistanis knew about Bin Laden's whereabouts and why they didn't do more to help bring him to justice. Riaz Khokar, a former foreign secretary and ambassador to India, China and the U.S, said it was unlikely Pakistani intelligence knew of OBL's hideout: "If you look at the house, remember the first story was that it was a $20 million mansion but it wasn't even worth $20,000," he said. "Believe me, the man was living there in squalor and penury. You just had to see the pictures of the filth and dirt. He had no security, no men with guns and rifles. I'm not justifying it, I'm just saying that if he was a guest of the government of Pakistan I can assure you he wouldn't have been living like that." Listen to his comment here.


Other officials insisted on being "off the record" so they could speak more freely about the US-Pakistan relationship. We didn't speak with any Pakistanis who felt the need to apologize or explain how Pakistan could fail to notice the presence of the world's most wanted terrorist. Instead, there was a feeling that the US should apologize for violating Pakistani sovereignty by conducting the OBL raid. It was just part of an often repeated wish list that included:
  • a formal US apology for the deadly Nov. 11 airstrike on Pakistani troops;
  • multi-billion dollar reimbursement for Pakistan's expenses in the war on terror;
  • energy considerations, including civilian nuclear power and a possible gas pipline from Iran;
  • end to drone strikes;
  • more non-military aid from the US without strings attached.
On the American side, it was no surprise to hear that Pakistan's wish list is "not happening." American military analysts acknowledge the difficulties Pakistan is facing in trying to gain control of the tribal areas where Taliban fighters move back and forth across the Afghan border. Extremists sometimes take refuge in villages that straddle the border, making it difficult to say for sure where Afghanistan ends and Pakistani sovereignty begins. "It's their Vietnam," said one military expert, describing the frustration of battle-weary Pakistani troops and their families. Conspiracy theories thrive in Pakistan, including the possibility that the military is in on the drone strikes on terrorist targets, but allows the US to take the blame. Another unproven theory holds that the US wants to seize Pakistan's nuclear weapons. Pakistan responded to widespread anti-American public sentiment by closing supply routes to NATO coalition troops in Afghanistan, forcing the US to find "another way to do business"  with 1,000 truckloads a day. A briefing from a top army general revealed Pakistan's pride in its military, from actions against Al Qaeda to the role of women in a variety of key assignments. Americans, on the other hand, describe Pakistan's armed forces as "professional but not modern."

One American noted that the US tends to focus on what's happening today, while the Pakistanis feel the pent-up resentment of history. It's impossible to discuss US-Pak relations for very long without someone invoking the name of Richard Holbrooke, the influential US diplomat who was serving as a special envoy to Afghanistan and Pakistan at the time of his death in 2010. Holbooke raised expectations of a fresh start in US-Pak relations, and Riaz Khokar is among those who hope for better days. "We have been friends, allies," he said. "We have shed blood together."

Update: In July 2012, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said the US was "sorry" for the raid that mistakenly killed Pakistani troops last year. Pakistan reopened the supply routes. However, drone strikes continue to strain US-Pak relations.

Tuesday, May 15, 2012

Cone of death?

A lot of people have asked me if I was in any danger in Pakistan. Turns out one of the riskiest things I did was... eating an ice cream cone!
It was a hot and dusty day in Islamabad as I walked through Saidpur Village, and the soft-serve ice cream was hard to resist. But when I caught up with the rest of the group, our leader Ann Hartman screamed in horror. As a former peace corps volunteer in the region, Ann knew that soft-serve ice cream from a street vendor can be poison if it's made with unpasteurized milk or polluted water.
I went back to the hotel and waited for the cone of death to strike me down, but fortunately I had no symptoms of gastric distress. Whew!

Wanna buy a goat?

A short walk from Saidpur Village was a goat market. Except for a few moms escorting their kids through the market on their way home from school, I was the only woman there. But I was treated with both courtesy and curiosity by the goat sellers.

 One spoke a few words of English and insisted I take this picture of him with one of his nicest goats. The going price is the equivalent of around $70, I was told, but maybe that's what they charge the tourists. However, I had to decline. This is one souvenir that would never get past the USDA.


Saidpur Village


My Lonely Planet tour book describes Saidpur Village in Islamabad as "model village" set to open in 2008 to "showcase Pakistani cultural handicrafts and traditions." 

Visiting on a Friday afternoon in 2012, the reality was hardly a showcase. There were several upscale restaurants, but most of the shops seemed to be struggling or abandoned, and the only pottery for sale was at a small roadside stand. 

But it was a welcome break from government policy briefings because of the actual village adjoining the tourist attraction. 

Children eagerly jumped in front of our cameras as we picked our way along the stream that runs through the settlement. Their faces are unforgettable.

Threats to Journalists


 Visiting the Ministry of Information in Islamabad was like a trip in a time machine. It's a throwback to when "journalists" in Pakistan worked only for state-controlled media, dutifully distributing government press releases. The minister, Dr. Firdous Ashiq Awan, sat at the head of a long conference table. We were seated among the members of her sizable staff. The lights dimmed and we were shown a 14 minute video called "Vibrant Pakistan." A narrator with a soothing American accent assured us of Pakistan's stable business and political climate, and even the war-torn tribal regions were presented as enticing tourist destinations.
 Watch the video here.
 
The minister was more politician than spokeswoman. She is also a sitting member of Parliament from the ruling PPP, the center-left party of former prime minister Benazir Bhutto's family. Dr. Awad spoke of the "gap of perception and reality" between Pakistan and the US, saying international partners "have not helped us the way we were expecting." She criticized US drone attacks on terrorist targets as a violation of Pakistani sovereignty and said "our friends have not given us the political space to explain why we have to be with them as a power," quickly adding, "no one wants to disassociate from the USA."

The gap between perception and reality was most obvious when the discussion turned to the threats facing journalists and what the government might do to improve their security. The minister said the threats were "fabricated" and directed against "oversmart guys who put their own interest ahead of the national interest."
When a Pakistani stringer for a US news organization respectfully challenged her statement by telling how he had once been seized and warned not to include certain facts in his reporting, the minister did not budge. She went on to criticize sensationalism in privately-owned media that has developed in the past decade. "Free media is a new concept for us," she said. "You can have a proper security cover (for journalists), but they need proper training." On that note, it was time to adjourn for refreshments and photo opportunities.

UPDATE: We met other Pakistani journalists who told us of the dangers they face. One of them was found strangled to death less than a month later. Read the article by John Diaz in the San Francisco Chronicle here.

After I returned to the US and had time to do a little more research, I learned that Dr Awan had turned in her resignation in December 2011, when she was criticized for her response to "memogate." The scandal involved a memo in which representatives of Pakistan's civilian government allegedly asked for US help in curbing the power of Pakistan's military. Shortly after our visit, she was reassigned to the Ministry of National Regulations and Services. Her replacement is another PPP politician, Qamar Zaman Kaira. His bio says he is known as "one who raised his voice for freedom of speech and democracy during the military government in the country." Only time will tell if he will confront the forces of darkness and make Pakistan a safer place for journalists. A good place to start would be demanding more effective law enforcement to catch, convict and punish those who harm journalists. For another dose of reality, read this excellent Q and A with assistant editor Sajid Hussain of the News International in Karachi, one of the Pakistani journalists on our exchange.Read the article in Global Journalist here.

It's hard to see the role of the "Ministry of Information" in modern public relations. It's not just Pakistani journalists who need training; government spokespersons need to learn their role in responding to press inquiries and communicating with the public. Freedom of information and transparency should be encouraged in all public agencies, rather than having one "Big Brother" that gives out only self-serving propaganda and runs state-owned broadcasting media in its own interest.

Faisal Mosque


The Shah Faisal Mosque is one of the largest mosques in Asia, with its four minarets towering over Islamabad at the foot of the Margalla Hills. According to Lonely Planet, there's an urban legend that the CIA once suspected the towers of being missiles in disguise.


Funded mostly by the Saudis, and designed by a Turkish architect, the building cost $45 million and took more than 10 years to complete. The design is a departure from the usual dome with sloping geometric lines inspired by desert tents.
Visitors must observe the usual protocol and remove shoes. Women must cover their heads. The main prayer hall can accommodate 8,500 men and 1,500 women. Our group was swallowed up in the vast space as we posed for pictures.



We visited Islamabad shortly before Easter, and in this Muslim country it was surprising to see a display of Easter bunnies in the hotel lobby. Perhaps it was an effort to make international guests feel a little more at home, or just a celebration of spring.

Wednesday, April 11, 2012

Shopping for shalwar kameez



The American journalists on the Pakistan-US exchange needed business attire for most of our meetings in Pakistan's capital, and that meant going shopping for a shalwar kameez at an upscale shop called Khaadi.

It's the national dress for both men and women, although there are many regional and ethnic variations. I saw them on both villagers and VIPs like Imran Khan, the cricket star turned politician.

It wasn't easy to figure out what size our American bodies would need, so we had to try them on. I ended up with the design shown on the model at the front door of the shop. We were assured that these garments were "good" quality; you can pay a lot more for high-end designs encrusted with jewels, or a lot less for a simpler version at a street bazaar. I paid about $40 for my outfit, which included fashionable long tights, intended to be gathered at the ankle.When I wore the clothing the next day, I wondered why this hasn't caught on the US; shalwar kameez are incredibly comfortable and flattering on almost everyone. However, I must point out that some people thought my "kurta" or top with handmade stitchery was more Afghan than Pakistani. What do you think?
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Monday, April 9, 2012

Family Night in Islamabad


Host families are one of the best features of the Pakistan-US journalists' exchange. Each visiting American was assigned to visit the home of a journalist working in Islamabad. I was paired with Dawn TV anchor Matiullah Jan, who also covers the courts at a time when Pakistan's judiciary is taking a more active role. He is best known for his program called "Apna Gareban" or "Under Our Collar" which exposed unethical behavior in the media.

Saturday, March 31, 2012

Good Morning Islamabad!

Six American journalists have arrived in Islamabad as the Parliament here is debating the future of US-Pakistan relations. It's one of the top stories on the morning TV news. Pakistan's president has met with President Obama in South Korea, and top military officials from both countries are meeting for the first time since a US airstrike killed 24 Pakistani troops along the border with Afghanistan in November.

As we began a series of meetings in the capital, nearly everyone told us that US-Pakistan relations are at a low point. Pakistanis feel they have paid a high price for the war on terror, while Americans may question how much they can trust Pakistan as a post-9/11 ally. For a reminder of the tension, we needed to look no further than the entrance to our hotel, the Marriott which was bombed in 2008. Today the hotel's website boasts of its bomb-proof glass. Security officers checked under the hood of our van and scanned our belongings every time we came in. But it's not just a hassle for the foreigners staying at the Marriott; there were checkpoints all over the city. Pakistanis also have to endure several power blackouts a day due to fuel shortages,  and the country's economy is reeling from the war on terror, which has scared businesses away.

Our first stop was PILDAT, the Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development and Transparency. This organization is the sponsoring partner of our journalism exchange, along with the East-West Center in Hawaii. PILDAT's director, Ahmed Bilal Mehboob, was surprisingly upbeat. Pakistan, he said is "enjoying its finest period of democracy" since its founding in 1947. He singled out the activist judiciary and the feisty, independent media, particularly the privately owned broadcast channels, as bright spots. Looking ahead to 2013, he said, "The next election is critical. If it takes place and it's a fair election we will have made a great leap forward."

Of course, there are plenty of pressures that could push Pakistan in the other direction. In the middle of the meeting at 11:05 a.m., the power went out. Mr. Mehboob didn't skip a beat as he outlined the issues that are dividing the two countries. Pakistan wants an apology for the deaths of the troops killed on the border and an end to anti-terrorist drone strikes that also kill civilians. The US wants to resume supply convoys that travel through Pakistan to reach NATO troops in Afghanistan. Pakistan wants an energy pipeline from Iran, while the US is trying to isolate Iran to discourage its nuclear program. Pakistan already has nuclear weapons pointed at its nuclear-armed neighbor, India, in a standoff of mutually assured destruction. India also has a program to develop civilian nuclear power, but because of concerns about security, the US has not endorsed a similar effort for energy-starved Pakistan. Pakistan spends billions in aid money from the US, while resenting the strings that are attached to American taxpayers' money. US policymakers would like to feel a little more love after being the world's biggest donor to Pakistani earthquake and flood relief.

Later in the day we zipped passed the Parliament building and saw members of an Islamist party demonstrating against the US. But in addition to a long list of divisive issues, we also received an overdose of Pakistan's legendary hospitality. Beginning with PILDAT, we were served coffee, tea and snacks at nearly every meeting we attended. We also experienced a mountaintop restaurant with a group of forward-thinking Pakistanis and American ex-pats. We were surrounded by festive groups of locals enjoying lavish grills of meat, the essential ingredient in the Pakistani diet. Looking out at the view of the lights below, we could have been in the Hollywood Hills looking over the LA basin. Except that it was Pakistan, a land of contrast and contradiction that we have only begun to explore.

Thai massage

A 90 baht ($3) tuk tuk ride brought us from the Reclining Buddha's temple to Khao San road, a commercial block that has been a hangout for low-budget backpackers for decades. Even though we were running out of time, we couldn’t pass up Charlie’s Massage, offering a 30 minute treatment for just 100 baht.
Some people were getting foot massages in the street, but we took off our shoes and were led up a stairway to a room filled with mattresses and pillows, covered with thin but clean sheets. There seemed to be an effort to pair up customers with technicians of similar size; and the reason quickly became obvious as the masseuse used her body weight to manipulate and lean into every limb and muscle of my body, starting with the feet and working up to the back, head and neck. Customers keep their clothes on and no oil is used. The accupressure was a bit strong at times, but it was very effective in melting away the pain and stress of the travel so far. Although it wasn’t exactly the atmosphere of a fancy spa, these hardworking people really should charge more for their services.

We had time to share a pitcher of Singha beer – only $6 – as we waited out a thunderstorm that washed out some of the heat and humidity in the air. The downpour left behind an even wash of sunlight, bringing an artistic glow to our tourist snapshots. By the time we negotiated our tuk tuk ride back to the hotel, we were bargaining like pros.


Like an episode of Anthony Bourdain’s “The Layover,” we had made the most of a short time in a city that really deserves a closer look.  I had started the day with the equivalent of $50 dollars and boarded the next plane with a few hundred baht still in my pocket, some regrets about not having shopped a bit more, and a resolve to visit again when I can stay longer. Now, for our group of six American journalists, it's on to the capital city of Pakistan, where the real work of our journalism exchange program will begin.

Jenna and Buddha

The sensual overload of Bangkok can be overwhelming to the first-time visitor. Fortunately, we had a confident guide; Jenna Fisher of the Christian Science Monitor, who had visited Bangkok during her time with the peace corps in Kazahkstan. She expertly guided us through the transit system. She negotiated a discount on the riverboat ride, choosing the swiftest water taxi. Some of us were tempted to linger at a flea market, where likenesses of meditating monks competed with an array of household junk for sale.

I had no idea that so many vintage Barbie dolls ended up on the street in Bangkok! Jenna kept us on track to the most spectacular sight of the day, Wat Pho and its reclining buddha.
This massive buddha rests inside a building that is decorated with splendid murals. The best place to pose for a photo is at his head or feet, and most people seemed to be disregarding the usual protocol of not turning their backs. 
For 20 baht (less than a dollar) you could buy a bowl of smaller coins to be dropped as an offering into a series of bowls. An attendant quickly scooped up the coins so they could be sold and donated again.
 Visitors must take off their shoes and carry them in a tote bag, which must be returned at the exit. A sign warns tourists to beware of “non-Thai pickpockets." The 100 baht entrance fee (about $3.50) included a free bottle of water and unlimited photo opportunities on the grounds.